Gareth Hughes

Let the activists have a summer off and let the lawyers have a go.

by Gareth Hughes

For the last week I’ve been on a road-trip with Professor Donald Rothwell, from Australia National University, talking international legal solutions to whaling, specifically taking a case to the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

I’ve had a whale of a time.

We’ve spoken at four public meetings over the last four nights, hosted an inter-party forum at Parliament and given lots of media interviews. With the International Whaling Commission (IWC) meeting this Sunday for its big annual conference, Pete Bethune going on trial and Australia announcing it will take a case to the ICJ, it’s been a great week to spend with the Professor and learn from his experience and the considerable work he has contributed to this field.

Today the Australian Government announced that they will be taking a case to the ICJ, and New Zealand finally acknowledged the court case option. The Green Party has been the only Party in Parliament asking questions and raising the profile of the ICJ option because we care about whales and want to investigate all the tools in the tool-kit to protect the whales.

In the few months I’ve been an MP I’ve given some thought to the issue which I outline below in a whale-sized post:

A little history.

Firstly, whaling is an important issue to New Zealanders. New Zealand has, for the majority of its history, been a whaling nation. The first recorded whaling ship in NZ arrived in 1791, and by 1840 there were about 1000 whalers in NZ. A visitor to Wellington in the early 1800s humourously complained about the mating antics of the Southern Right Whales in the harbour. I remember as a child growing up in one of NZ’s old whaling ports, Gisborne, playing inside the antique tri-pot where whalers would melt down the blubber for oil. It wasn’t till 1964 that New Zealand ceased whaling.

New Zealand left the IWC in 1967 but rejoined in 1974 amongst a world wide revival of interest in the IWC and its potential to play a role in conserving the whales, which was but one of many battles faced by the new and growing environment and conservation movement. Now New Zealand is one of the staunchest anti-whaling nations and voices for whale conservation.

The challenge of whaling and the IWC.

Whaling is one of the most vexed international policy problems. Looking to the IWC in 2010 it faces many challenges, number one being the 33,000 whales slaughtered since the 1986 moratorium on commercial whaling under objections or ‘scientific’ permits. As the oldest international environmental treaty in the world, the institution suffers from both the attempt to implement an essentially conservation minded agenda atop a historic whaling infrastructure created in a bygone age and the ongoing contentious and polarised debate between whalers and conservationists. It’s dysfunctional and split between pro-whaling and pro-conservation nations, neither having the numbers to get the 75% of votes needed to make change.

IWC membership is voluntary and open to any nation; it’s is not backed up by a treaty (anyone can leave or opt out of specific regulations by lodging a formal objection – the idea being it’s better to have nations within than outside), and lastly there’s no enforcement mechanism, no UN Navy to patrol the seas (or Peruvian Navy, who in an interesting aside, seized the private pirate whaling fleet of Aristotle Onasis).

Another major challenge is the intractability of the debate. The anti-whaling side within IWC are accused of using conservation as a cover for their ideological opposition to whaling itself, which mirrors the accusation from the anti-whaling side that Japan’s scientific whaling is a cover for commercial whaling. Add in cultural arguments by the three whaling nations and you have a potent mix.

Whilst the moratorium and debates around scientific whaling have occupied nations for years the IWC has not had the space to adequately address the other big issues facing whales: climate change, marine pollution, by-catch, and poorly regulated whale watching industries for example.

Whilst the IWC has managed to stay together, despite regular threats by Japan to leave, and ‘imminent-schisms’, the biggest failure of the IWC today is the simple fact that whaling continues despite the spirit of the moratorium by Japan, Iceland and Norway.

Looking at the IWC meeting starting next week in Agadir, Morocco.

In 2008 the ‘Future of the IWC’ process was set up. This created the Small Working Group, chaired by former New Zealand Prime Minister Sir Geoffrey Palmer, to try and reach a compromise position. He said at the time “change is painful, but change will happen.”

The process to date has been driven by the attempt to reach consensus via compromise. Compromise isn’t bad – but I believe it is out-of-order to compromise on principles. The challenge facing New Zealand is we don’t want to see whaling continue but, at the same time, we are pragmatic and want to keep the IWC as an international body. We need to reform the IWC but don’t want to change the law to suit the law breakers and see the last two decades of gains made by the international conservation movement lost.

The New Zealand Government didn’t help itself by first over-selling what was happening, with Key announcing in January, ‘a bold new initiative’ to end Japanese whaling in the Southern Ocean and by the difficult challenge to support but differentiate itself from the independent work Sir Geoffrey Palmer was undertaking, and, lastly, by its lethargic, quiet stance on detained Kiwi activist Peter Bethune.

Finally, last month the detail of the ‘reform proposal’ was released with details. There are some good aspects, such as the creation of the South Atlantic Whale Sanctuary and a reduction in whales slated to be killed but there are also considerable negative elements in the proposal. These include essentially condoning commercial whaling, legitimising whaling in the Southern Ocean Whale Sanctuary (the last place whaling should be conducted) legitimising the slaughter of 400 Minke whales (dropping to 200 after 5 years) per annum; the ‘inflammatory’ inclusion of 10 fin whales (dropping to 5 per annum after 5 years), the possibility of humpback whale hunting, no timetable to reform Article VIII – the  ‘scientific whaling loophole’; and the macabre fact the conservationist nations would essentially be funding the whalers to a small-though-unpalatable degree through their IWC membership.

Overall, I agree with the Australian Government position that as the proposal stands it demands too many first order concessions and does not do enough to protect whale populations. As Australian Federal Environment Minister Peter Garrett says it’s “…difficult to acquiesce to a proposal that asks us to abandon the gains of the past…” It is actually worse than the status quo. It favours the conservation of whaling, not whales.

The following weeks will show how the negotiations around this proposal pan out, but my money is on neither block having the numbers to pass a version, so essentially we’ll see the status quo continue.

If diplomacy is failing is it time to get judicial to save the whales?

The Green Party are the only party saying we need to seriously look at the International Court of Justice option because we believe in the rule of law and believe diplomacy can be best served by having a legal option working in tandem. New Zealand and Australia have a long history of working together on the international legal stage including on French nuclear tests, and challenging Japan before International Tribunal for Law of the Sea in the ‘90s Bluefin Tuna case.

Sure, victory isn’t guaranteed – it never is, but the major benefits I believe of the ICJ is that we have the option of applying for an immediate injunction and challenging the ‘scientific whaling loophole’ article Japan currently whales under. It isn’t exclusive of diplomacy; I believe it could work in tandem, in a respectful, non-combative way, as outlined under the Australian agreement with Japan and allow a less heated debate. At the moment the discourse is framed as the annual battle between Sea Shepherd and Japan in the Southern Ocean where a captive Kiwi is portrayed as a ‘terrorist’ in Tokyo. I reckon let the activists have a summer off and let the lawyers have a go.

An injunction is likely to be respected by Japan, who have a major stake in supporting the international legal environment – they aren’t a rogue state, who will flaunt an ICJ ruling or injunction, especially when one of their own citizens, Hisashi Owada, is the ICJ President. This could stop the fleet sailing south this summer.

The major risk raised by our Foreign Minister and other pundits is ‘what if the case loses?’ All legal cases face failure, as did the nuclear testing case, but it needs to be stressed, this would challenge one aspect – Article VIII of the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (the scientific loophole), not whaling in general. If the case failed all we’d find out is that Japan has legally used this loophole since 1986 and this wouldn’t then open up the door to commercial whaling, like the ‘reform proposal’ would if it passed.

I acknowledge the points raised by Claire Browning, and others that an ICJ case wouldn’t see a comprehensive solution outcome – that’s not the point, the case would be focused on challenging ‘scientific’ whaling. I believe the case could support and definitely wouldn’t exclude future diplomatic moves through a less confrontational atmosphere and also assist Japan in coming to its own phase-out decisions.

A 3-5 year ICJ case and injunction could support the domestic conservation movement in Japan. Whaling is uneconomic and bringing conflict internationally for Japan. Whaling is currently dependant on Government direct and indirect subsidies, has decaying infrastructure, falling demand, and over supply (it is estimated there are 40,000 tonnes of whale meat in storage in Japan). Whaling long-term is a losing proposition especially considering it’s the younger generations who don’t eat it. An ICJ case could allow a more rational internal debate without the high-drama, high-emotion, annual high seas battle. Japan is open to world wide pressure as demonstrated in 2007 when Kyokuyo and Maruha, two of Japan’s four largest fishing companies decided to end selling whale meat because of pressure internationally.

A pause could highlight, especially to the new Japanese administration, there’s more money in whale watching than catching. In 2008 whale watching in 119 countries and territories generated more than $2B, and employed 13,200 people world wide. One Southern Right Whale, returning to Tonga over its lifetime, was estimated by Massey University to bring in $1m to the local economy.

In summary, New Zealand as a proud anti-whaling nation needs John Key’s Government to show some guts and oppose any return to commercial whaling and join our ‘mates across the ditch’s’ court case to stop illegal whaling. What do you think?

Published in Environment & Resource Management by Gareth Hughes on Fri, May 28th, 2010   

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