Kennedy Graham

NZ and its strange love of voting down anti-nuke resolutions

by Kennedy Graham

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Last week (24 Sept) I questioned the Government in the House over its nuclear-free policy.

New Zealand Nat-Lab Governments have prided themselves in recent years over their pristine nuclear-free policy.  In the mid-1980s, we helped lead in the Pacific initiative to create the South Pacific Nuclear-free Zone.  Then, unsatisfied with the weakness of the regional zone in allowing nuclear-armed warships to enter the harbours of treaty states, we legislated in Parliament against their entry into our own. 

New Zealand not only had rejected nuclear deterrence, foresworn the possession of nuclear weapons, and forbidden their deployment on our land, but had prohibited their existence in our harbours.

That was a Labour initiative. National opposed it bitterly at the time, swearing to reverse the policy and revive the ANZUS reliance on nuclear deterrence for our defence.  Back in power, they tore at their own caucus entrails through indecision before discovering that the nuclear-free policy enjoyed permanent majority support in the country.  Last week, PM John Key, beaming inclusively at everyone who moved, celebrated the policy as a child of National worldview.

ACT remains characteristically unrepentant.  Deputy leader Heather Roy last week in Taranaki, perhaps assuming no-one elsewhere was listening, lamented the absence of nuclear warships.  But then, the erstwhile representatives of consumers and taxpayers, ever the méchants, believe that climate change is a hoax.  At least up until 8 November 2008. 

The problem with Nat-Lab is the distinction they draw between the domestic and international dimensions of our nuclear-free policy.  At home we stand firm on banning nuclear weapons and repudiating nuclear deterrence, and calling for a nuclear-free world.  At the UN, we politically pick and choose between resolutions that reflect those goals. 

So we support resolutions, sponsored by Malaysia and Costa Rica, calling for a Nuclear Weapons Convention that would introduce a global ban.  Yet we vote against India’s resolutions calling for similar goals. 

-       63/47 calling for a reduction in nuclear danger through revising nuclear strategic doctrines;

-       63/75 calling for a convention on the prohibition of use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. 

This was the issue I asked questions about in the House, asking if the Government would reverse its policy and support these resolutions this year.  After all, the Prime Minister had, on 8 April, assured me during Question Time that New Zealand always supports all nuclear-free resolutions at the UN

But no, was the reply last week.  We shall not support those resolutions since we do not wish to accord India any ‘nuclear disarmament credentials’, given it has refused to join the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

What the Government fails to acknowledge is that India’s resolutions are consistent with our nuclear-free policy.  We are therefore voting, not on the basis of logical consistency of our policy but on a political judgement that second-guesses the sponsor’s motives. 

If we were to do that to all countries we would not support anyone or anything.

India is not perfect but neither is it nefarious.  In its complacent way, the NZ Government fails to acknowledge that India, for some 30 years (1960s to ’90s) had called for a nuclear-free world, criticising the nuclear-weapon retention of the major powers for their failure to meet their obligations.  These are:

-          Their binding legal obligation under the NPT to negotiate in good faith nuclear disarmament measures leading to the elimination of nuclear weapons from their national arsenals;

-          Their obligation under the UN Charter to formulate a global arms regulatory system. 

To assist them in these goals, India had formulated in the 1980s a 20-year phase-out plan for the global elimination of nuclear weapons.  The major powers steadfastly ignored it. 

In the ‘80s, I used to work within MFAT on our nuclear-free policy, being part of the negotiating team for the South Pacific Zone and defending our policy in Geneva and New York. We worked closely with India then and engaged in the same critique of the nuclear powers.  In those days we believed what we said.

India always explained that its forbearance of nuclear weapons for itself was not unlimited.  By 1998, it moved concurrently with Pakistan to acquire nuclear weapons, some 24 years after its first nuclear test.  Bilateral nuclear deterrence has prevailed in South Asia since then, just as it did between the US and USSR for 40 years, justified by the US as the only stable way of securing global security.

So, India has effectively remained consistent with its national security policy for the past 40 years – foreswearing the nuclear weapon option for the first half and acquiring them during the second half.   

This is not to defend or rationalise Indian strategic policy.  We all aspire to a nuclear-free world – or at least say we do.  It is simply to explain that India’s policy is as normal and (un)justifiable as US strategic policy.  Being ‘refused the status of a nuclear weapon state under the terms of the NPT’, as the major powers have insisted, rests fairly lightly on India’s and Pakistan’s shoulders.  Of course, Israel’s possession of nuclear weapons is not allowed to be discussed in the Security Council at all.

So, when we apply our nuclear-free policy, we should be applying our policy with logical consistency, not with self-serving political considerations of voting with NATO when we think it is politically expedient.

And so, when the PM trumpets our nuclear-free policy as if he has just recently discovered its merits and as if we are leading the world, just point out to him that he should apply his considerable intellect to ensuing a logical consistency and a healthy political balance.

If he is going to be a world leader, he needs to understand the global village.

Published in Justice & Democracy by Kennedy Graham on Wed, September 30th, 2009   

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